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Ricoeur on Power-Over Another

“The occasion of violence, not to mention the turn toward violence, resides in the power exerted over one will by another will. It is difficult to imagine situations of interaction in which one individual does not exert a power over another by the very fact of acting. Let us underscore the expression ‘power-over.’ Given the extreme ambiguity of the term ‘power,’ it is important to distinguish the expression ‘power-over’ from two other uses of the term ‘power’…. We termed power-to-do, or power to act, the capacity possessed by an agent to constitute himself or herself as the author of action, with all the related difficulties and aporias. We also termed power-in-common the capacity of the members of a historical community to exercise in an indivisible manner their desire to live together, and we have been careful to distinguish this power-in-common from the relation of domination in which political violence resides, the violence of those who govern as well as that of the governed. The power-over, grafted onto the initial dissymmetry between what one does and what is done to another — in other words, what the other suffers — can be held to be the occasion par excellence of the evil of violence. The descending slope is easy to mark off, from influence, the gentle form of holding power-over, all the way to torture, the extreme form of abuse. Even in the domain if physical violence, considered the abusive use of force against others, the figures of evil are innumerable, from the simple use of threats, passing through all the degrees of constraint, and ending in murder. In all these diverse forms, violence is equivalent to the diminishment or the destruction of the power-to-do of others. But there is something even worse: in torture, what the tormentor seeks to reach and sometimes — alas! — succeeds in destroying is the victim’s self esteem, esteem which our passage by way of the norm has elevated to the level of self-respect. What is called humiliation — a horrible caricature of humility — is nothing else than the destruction of self-respect, beyond the destruction of the power-to-act. Here we seem to have reached the depths of evil. But violence can also be concealed in language as an act of discourse, hence an action; this anticipates the analysis that we shall undertake of promising: it is not by chance that Kant counts false promises among the major examples of maxims unamenable both to the rule of universalization and to the respect of the difference between persons as ends in themselves and things that are means to an end. The betrayal of friendship, the inverse figure of faithfulness, without being equivalent to the horror of torture, tells us a lot about the malice of the human heart” (Ricoeur 1994:220-221).

Ricoeur, Paul
1994[1990] Oneself as Another. Kathleen Blamey, trans. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.

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Philosophic Freedom and Political Community

“Philosophic freedom, the freedom of the will, is relevant only to people who live outside political communities, as solitary individuals. Political communities, in which men become citizens, are produced and preserved by laws, and these laws, made by men, can be very different and can shape various forms of government, all of which in one way or another constrain the free will of their citizens. Still, with the exception of tyranny, where one arbitrary will rules the lives of all, they nevertheless open up some space of freedom for action that actually sets the constituted body of citizens in motion. The principles inspiring the actions of the citizens vary in accordance with the different forms of government, but they are all, as Jefferson rightly called them, ‘energetic principles’; and political freedom…’can consist only in the power of doing what we ought to will and in not being strained to do what we ought not to will.’

The emphasis here is clearly on Power in the sense of the I-can; for Montesquieu, as for the ancients, it was obvious that an agent could no longer be called free when he lacked the capacity to do what he wanted to do, whether this was due to exterior or interior circumstances. Moreover, the Laws which, according to Montesquieu, transform free and lawless individuals into citizens are not God’s Ten Commandments or the voice of conscience or reason’s lumen rationale enlightening all men alike, but man-made rapports, ‘relations,’ which, since they concern the changeable affairs of mortal men-as distinguished from God’s eternity or the immortality of the cosmos-must be ‘subject to all the accidents that can happen and vary in proportion as the will of man changes.’ For Montesquieu, as for pre-Christian antiquity and for the men who at the end of the century founded the American Republic, the words ‘power’ and ‘liberty’ were almost synonymous. Freedom of movement, the power of moving about unchecked by disease or master, was originally the most elementary of all liberties, their very prerequisite.

Thus political freedom is distinct from philosophic freedom in being clearly a quality of the I-can and not of the I-will. Since it is possessed by the citizen rather than by man in general, it can manifest itself only in communities, where the many who live together have their intercourse both in word and in deed regulated by a great number of rapports-laws, customs, habits, and the like. In other words, political freedom is possible only in the sphere of human plurality, and on the premise that this sphere is not simply an extension of the dual I-and-myself to a plural We. Action, in which a We is always engaged in changing our common world, stands in the sharpest possible opposition to the solitary business of thought, which operates in a dialogue between me and myself. Under exceptionally propitious circumstances that dialogue, we have seen, can be extended to another insofar as a friend is, as Aristotle said, ‘another self.’ But it can never reach the We, the true plural of action” (Arendt 1978:199-200).

Arendt, Hannah
1978[1971] The Life of the Mind. San Diego,CA: Harcourt Brace & Company.

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