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Hermeneutics and its Critique of a Positivist Unity of Science

"For both Habermas and Apel the importance of hermeneutics lies in its critique of a positivist 'unity of science' that attempts to reduce all forms of knowledge to the model of the natural sciences. On their view, Gadamer’s merit is to have provided an account of hermeneutic understanding that both indicates the extent to which it deviates from natural scientific explanation and justifies it as an unavoidable component of social scientific inquiry. In this regard, Gadamer’s insights into effective history and the force of prejudice are crucial. They show the way in which all forms of knowledge adhere to a set of historically produced norms and conventions and hence the naivety of the claim that the natural sciences provide an unconditioned 'objective' view of their subject-matter which it is the task of the social sciences to emulate. Moreover, these insights indicate an important difference between the natural and the social sciences in so far as they reveal the 'double hermeneutic' characteristic of the latter, which Gadamer describes as an encounter or dialogue between two sets of prejudices or historical horizons. The successful conclusion of such dialogue is a mutual understanding of the subject-matter at issue that goes beyond both the views of one’s text or text-analogue and one’s own initial assumptions, prejudices and aims. In stressing this new understanding, Gadamer’s hermeneutics attempts to move beyond both the conservatism of simply adopting the views of the 'text' and the subjectivism of interpreting it as a verification of one's own prejudices. Hermeneutic understanding rather participates in the self-formation of an interpretive tradition in which each new effort to understand reflects a new education and a new form of the tradition itself.

Both Habermas and Apel criticize this analysis of tradition for its failure to reflect on the possibility of ideological distortion within the tradition's self-formation. …the problem they see is really two-fold. On the one hand, that which we are trying to understand may systematically obscure its connections to social relations of power and domination. Hence, in appropriating it hermeneutically as possibly true we may deform our own development, as, it could be argued, women did. On the other hand, our own understanding—that is the way we appropriate or take seriously that which we are trying to understand—may itself reflect the influence of ideology. In this case, what we learn from others will be deformed by the very language and categories in terms of which we understand it" (Warnke 1987:139-140).

Warnke, Georgia
1987 Gadamer: Hermeneutics, Tradition and Reason. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

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Positivism

"The term positivism now functions more as a polemical epithet than as a designation for a distinct philosophical movement. Even leaving aside the positive philosophy of Saint-Simon and Comte, the evolutionary positivism of Spencer and Haeckel, and the phenomenalism of Mach and Avenarius and concentrating on the 'logical positivism' of the Vienna circle and its descendants, it is difficult to specify a common ‘positivist’ perspective. The subsequent development of the more or less unified program of the original members of the circle has led to its disintegration as a distance philosophical movement. This is not to say that logical positivism has disappeared without a trace; on the contrary, it has been absorbed into such influential traditions as empiricism, pragmatism, and linguistic analysis. The net result is that the 'legacy of logical positivism'—a legacy of convictions and attitudes, problems and techniques, concepts, and theories—pervades contemporary thought. Methodological positions are most easily identified, because they so identify themselves, with respect to this legacy, pro or con. For our purposes it will be sufficient to indicate a few of the central positivist tenets regarding the nature of social inquiry.

The striking developments in the systematic study of the human world—from historiography and philology to sociology and anthropology—that took place in the course of the nineteenth century were generally viewed against the background of the established natural sciences. One or the other of these was usually taken as a paradigm of scientificity and a standard against which progress in the human sciences was to be measured. This perspective is also characteristic of the logical positivism of the twentieth century. The original members of the Vienna circle were, for the most part, neither social scientists nor pure philosophers but 'had devoted a large part of their academic studies, often including their doctoral work, to logic and mathematics, to physics, or to a combination of these subjects.'1 It was then quite natural that their attention was focused for the most part on logic, the foundations of mathematics, and the methodology of the physical sciences and that they paid comparatively little attention to the social sciences. While the focus of neopositivism gradually expanded to include the latter, the original commitment to the paradigmatic status of the 'exact' sciences remained firm. The characteristic tenets of its approach to social inquiry derive from this commitment.2 These include:

The unity of scientific method: despite differences in the specific concepts and techniques proper to diverse domains of inquiry, the methodological procedures of natural science are applicable to the sciences of man; the logic of inquiry is in both cases the same.

More particularly the goals of inquiry—explanation and prediction—are identical, as is the form in which they are realized: the subsumption of individual cases under hypothetically proposed general laws. Scientific investigation, whether of social or nonsocial phenomena, aims at the discovery of lawlike generalizations that can function as premises in deductive explanations and predictions. An event is explained by showing that it occurred in accordance with certain laws of nature as a result of certain particular circumstances. If the laws and circumstances are known, an event can be predicted by employing the same deductive form of argument.

The relation of theory to practice is primarily technical. If the appropriate general laws are known and the relevant initial conditions are manipulable, we can produce a desired state of affairs, natural or social. But the question of which states of affairs are to be produced cannot be scientifically resolved. It is ultimately a matter of decision for no 'ought' can be derived from an 'is,' no 'value' from a 'fact.' Scientific inquiry is itself 'value-free'; it strives only for objective (intersubjectively testable) value-neutral results.

The hallmark of scientific knowledge is precisely its testability (in principle). To test a hypothesis, we apply deductive logic to derive singular observation statements whose falsehood would refute it. Thus the empirical basis of science is composed of observation statements (that is, statements referring to publicly observable objects or events) that can be said either to report perceptual experiences or, at least, to be motivated by them.

In recent years the applicability of these tenets to social inquiry has once again become a subject of controversy. And questions concerning the nature and role of interpretive understanding have proved to be of fundamental importance at every point in these epistemological and methodological debates. Those who argue for the distinctiveness of the social from the natural sciences—whether in respect to the existence of general laws, the nature of explanation, the relation to values, the access to data—typically base their arguments on the necessity of social inquiry of procedures designed to grasp the meaning of social phenomena. Conversely those defending the methodological unity of the sciences typically give a rather low estimate of the importance of Verstehen for the logic of the social sciences. It is either rejected as unscientific or prescientific or analyzed as a 'heuristic device,' which, although useful, belongs in the anteroom of science proper, that is, to the 'context' of discovery,’ not to the 'context of validation'" (McCarthy 1994:137-139).

McCarthy, Thomas
1994[1978] The Critical Theory of Jürgen Habermas. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.

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Dialectical Synthesis

“Habermas is sharply critical of the monopolistic tendencies of the positivist self-understanding of the empirical-analytic sciences; but he is just as critical of the claim that the historical-hermeneutic disciplines provide the most fundamental knowledge of man and the world. This is the point of his remark that ‘historicism has become the positivism of the cultural and social sciences.’ Each of these ‘self-understandings’ mistakes the part for the whole. And they do so because they fail to realize that there is a nonreducible plurality of fundamental cognitive interests.

Thus far I have stressed Habermas’ claim that the media of social life, the knowledge-constituitive interests, and the types of inquiry guided by these interests, are autonomous and not reducible to each other. But there is a danger of which Habermas is acutely aware: that we will mistake the nonreducibility of these two levels of action-work and interaction-and the disciplines corresponding to them, for a mutual indifference and isolation. The most perspicuous way to state Habermas’ point is that only when we comprehend the distinctive characteristics of these nonreducible media and cognitive interests can we seriously investigate the inter-relationships and dynamics between them. While critical of positivists and vulgar Marxists who understand social life exclusively in terms of concepts shaped by technical interest, he is equally critical of the idealistic tendency to bracket symbolic interaction and isolate it from work and labor. The specific historical forms of work and labor exert a powerful causal influence on the nature and quality of symbolic interaction. The free and open communication that is the aim of the practical interest requires the existence of determinate social institutions and practices. On both these points he is in essential agreement with Marx. Consequently, while Habermas is deeply suspicious of the tendency to think that there are historical material conditions that automatically bring about the ‘realm of freedom,’ he is sufficiently Marxist to maintain that free symbolic interaction or unconstrained communication cannot concretely exist unless nonalienating and non exploitative material conditions exist.

Habermas’ dialectical synthesis also becomes evident when viewed against the background of competing claims about the nature of the social sciences by naturalists and phenomenologists. In the course of this inquiry we have seen that thinking through a naturalistic self-understanding of these disciplines leads to an examination of the problems of interpreting social and political reality. But it is just as true, and no less fundamental, that in the interpretation of social and political reality we must have recourse to the causal analysis which is so central for naturalists. Otherwise we would be unable to isolate and criticize those rationalizations which are advanced as scientific or self-evident truths, but turn out to be ideological mystifications” (Bernstein 1995 :198-199).

Bernstein, Richard J.
1995[1976] The Restructuring of Social and Political Theory. Philadelphia, PA: The University of Pennsylvania Press.

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Functional Ideologies

“Positivism is undoubtedly the most extreme manifestation of traditional theory wrapped in modern garb. Its adherence to scientism and objectivism ruthlessly excises both morality and philosophy from the domain of meaningful knowledge. Theoretically (if not practically) speaking, this exclusion is paradoxical. For positivism itself is a philosophy of science, and, as distinguished from science, it appears to be meaningless and without truth according to its own criterion of meaning and truth. Furthermore, when presented as the only philosophical legitimation of meaning and knowledge, positivism-as meaningless philosophy-fails to justify science.

This theoretical ‘crisis’-the incapacity of science to philosophically legitimate its own faith in reason, logic, meaningfulness, and methodical value-free inquiry-also has a practical (moral) dark side: nihilism. As used by Nietsche, nihilism (from the Latin nihil or nothing) refers to two interrelated phenomena: On the one hand, it refers to the apparent meaninglessness and nullity of our mundane experiences and belief in contrast with the highest and most transcendent philosophical realities-God and Reason. This contrast, however, is susceptible to a dialectical reversal once it is understood that the highest metaphysical realities are themselves utterly empty and meaningless. A similar understanding, as we have seen, is advanced by positivism. On the other hand, nihilism refers to the positive elevation fo the will to the highest reality and supreme nihilating force of being. Here Nietzsche rejects positivism: all being is illusory; nothing that presents itself in experience-not even ‘atomic facts’ possesses intrinsic meaning. In short, meanings and values are tools that the will creates and imposes on reality in its struggle to gain power over it. The positive affirmation of nihilism is therefore therapeutic: it liberates the will from all ‘presumed’ determinations and conditions; even the past is reduced to an illusion. So conceived, the supreme overcoming of limits-moral, cognitive, objective, and subjective-allows the will to embrace life as a never-ending work of art.

…critical theorists saw Nietzche’s celebration of the ‘will to power’ as a sinister harbringer for a new, all-encompassing affirmation of scientific and technological social engineering. Fascism and communism, they observed, were but the most extreme manifestations of a general totalitarian attempt to remake society ‘as a work of art.’ As in Nietzche’s philosophy, there exists a categorical distinction between the artistic ‘over-men,’ who have overcome conventional moral limits, and their subaltern subjects. The revolutionary recreation of society is a top-down affair. The administrative regimentation of modern life demands passive conformism and authoritarian deference to technological and scientific elites. Indeed, as Habermas himself has remarked on more than one occasion, in an age in which we increasingly turn to the state for securing our welfare, science and technology themselves become ideological. Seeking leeway to manage a complex capitalist economy without aggravating class conflicts, the welfare state cannot afford to risk a divisive debate on the moral justice of its redistribution of wealth. Accordingly, the positivist elimination of morality and the accompanying reduction of practical problems to technological problems become, in their own way, the functional ideologies by which the masses are maintained in their passivity” (Ingram 2010:41-42).

Ingram, David
2010 Habermas: Introduction and Analysis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

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